Filosofia China:
HUI SHI 惠施
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惠施，宋人，是名家的代表人物。他在公元前三三四年至前三二二年间（魏惠王后元元年到十三年）做魏的相国，主张联合齐、楚，尊齐为王，以减轻齐对魏的压力，曾随同魏惠王到齐的徐州，朝见齐威王。他为魏国制订过法律。到公元前三二二年，魏国被迫改用张仪为相国，把惠施驱逐到楚国，楚国又把他送到宋国。到公元前三一九年，由于各国的支持，魏国改用公孙衍为相国，张仪离去，惠施重回魏国。
惠施也和墨家一样，曾努力钻研宇宙间万物构成的原因。据说，南方有个奇人叫黄缭的，曾询问天地不塌不陷落以及风雨雷霆发生的原因，惠施不假思索，立刻应对，“遍为万物说”（《庄子·天下篇》）。庄子曾说惠施“以坚白鸣”（《庄子·德充符篇》），批评惠施“非所明而明之，故以坚白之昧终”（《庄子·齐物篇》）。可知惠施的论题，主要的还是有关宇宙万物的学说。他的著作已经失传，只有《庄子·天下篇》保存有他的十个命题。
含有辩证因素的观察和分析
惠施的十个命题，主要是对自然界的分析，其中有些含有辩证的因素。他说：“至大无外，谓之大一；至小无内，谓之小一。”“大一”是说整个空间大到无所不包，不再有外部；“小一”是说物质最小的单位，小到不可再分割，不再有内部。这和后期墨家一样认为物质世界是由微小的不可再分割的物质粒子所构成。万物既然都由微小的物质粒子构成，同样基于“小一”，所以说“万物毕同”；但是由“小一”构成的万物形态千变万化，在“大一”中所处的位置各不相同，因此又可以说“万物毕异”。在万物千变万化的形态中，有“毕同”和“毕异”的“大同异”，也还有事物之间一般的同异，就是“小同异”。他把事物的异同看作相对的，但又是统一在一起的，这里包含有辩证的因素。
惠施有些命题是和后期墨家争论的。后期墨家运用数学和物理学的常识，对物体的外表形式及其测算方式作了分析，下了定义。《墨子·经上》曾说：“厚，有所大。”认为有“厚”才能有体积，才能有物体的“大”。而惠施反驳说：“无厚，不可积也，其大千里。”认为物质粒子（“小一”）不累积成厚度，就没有体积；但是物质粒子所构成平面的面积，是可以无限大的。后期墨家曾经严格区分空间的“有穷”和“无穷”，《墨子·经说下》说：“或不容尺，有穷；莫不容尺，无穷也。”认为个别区域前不容一线之地，这是“有穷”；与此相反，空间无边无际，这是“无穷”。而惠施反驳说，“南方无穷而有穷”，就是说南方尽管是无穷的，但是最后还是有终极的地方。后期墨家认为“中”（中心点）到相对的两边的终点是“同长”的。《墨子·经上》说：“中，同长也。”而惠施反驳说：“我知天下之中央，燕（当时最北的诸侯国）之北，越（当时最南的诸侯国）之南是也。”因为空间无边无际，无限大，到处都可以成为中心。后期墨家认为同样高度叫做“平”，《墨子·经上》说：“平，同高也。”而惠施反驳说：“天与地卑（“卑”是接近的意思），山与泽平。”因为测量的人站的位置不同，所看到的高低就不一样。站在远处看，天和地几乎是接近的；站在山顶上的湖泊边沿看，山和泽是平的。
惠施把一切事物看作处于变动之中，例如说：“日方中方睨（“睨”是侧斜的意思），物方生方死。”太阳刚升到正中，同时就开始西斜了；一件东西刚生下来，同时又走向死亡了。这种看法在一定程度上认识了事物矛盾运动的辩证过程。但是他无条件地承认“亦彼亦此”，只讲转化而不讲转化的条件，这样就否定了事物的质的相对稳定性，不免陷入到相对主义的泥坑中去。
Hui Shi???
With writings as profound
and vibrant as these the historical Zhuangzi must have had
quite a devoted group of followers and it is to them -- in all
likelihood -- that we owe both the transmission of his ideas
beyond his lifetime and at least six chapters of new material,
much of it consisting of narratives written in the style of
the ‘Inner chapters’ but generally not demonstrating the same
creativity and rhetorical skill. Zhuangzi is a figure in about
one quarter of these narratives, which were probably based on
stories told by his immediate disciples and written down after
his death. The chapters in this section, 17-22, are almost
completely devoid of the philosophical essays, jottings, or
even the diatribes we find in the first third of the book. Yet
they contain some of the most famous narratives in the entire
text.
The ‘autumn floods’ passage
that dominates chapter 17 continues the theme of the
relativity of different perspectives and the wholeness of the
Way-centered perspective. This epistemological relativity is
also the theme of the well-known dialogue between Zhuangzi and
his Terminologist friend and debating rival Huishi while
strolling over the Hao River Bridge found in this chapter.
Chapter 18, ‘Complete Happiness,’ centers around the theme of
the acceptance of death as part of the natural processes of
Heaven and Earth and contains the famous narrative about
Huishi's visit to Zhuangzi after the death of the latter's
wife. Chapter 19 is perhaps the most famous of this grouping
as it contains a series of ‘skill’ or ‘knack’ passages that
feature heroes who can be seen as masters of the flowing mode
of cognition emphasized in the ‘Inner chapters.’ These include
the cicada-catching hunchback, the swimmer at Spinebridge
Falls, and the bellstand carver who fasts for seven days
before undertaking his task, thus recalling the mind-fasting
advice Confucius gave to Yan Hui in chapter 4. Chapter 20
contains a group of narratives loosely organized around the
theme of uselessness first presented in chapters 1 and 4. Only
things that are not of use to anyone else are able to flourish
and attain their full potential. Chapter 21 is filled with
stories featuring exemplars of self-cultivation who have
achieved the utmost inner power. The famous ‘knowledge wanders
north’ narrative that begins chapter 22 contains insights on
the limitations of the fixed mode of cognition to comprehend
the Way. Filled with ideas from Daode jing and with
references to breath meditation, it also contains the famous
dialogue in which Zhuangzi details where the Way can be found.
Unlike the ‘Inner chapters’
that contain no references to Lao Tzu the man and to the text
of the Daode jing, many of these chapters show an
awareness of the Daode jing by their use of ideas and
quotations from this text. This indicates that they were most
likely written after this work began widely circulating in
China after in about 260 B.C. E. To the extent that they
recast material from the ‘Inner chapters’ in new narrative
frameworks and frequently see it in light of ideas from the
Daode jing, these chapters represent a unique
blending of the two intellectually foundational sources of
early Daoism.
The first group of the
‘Miscellaneous chapters,’ 23-27, and chapter 32 are much more
heterogeneous in their content. They appear to contain more
writings of the followers of Zhuangzi into which are
interspersed passages from the other major authorial voices in
the complete work, mostly the Zhuangzi of the ‘Inner
chapters,’ the Primitivist, and, on occasion, the Syncretist.
Given this lack of coherence, these ‘Miscellaneous chapters’
could contain material from some of the nineteen chapters that
Guo Xiang deleted from the original recension of the text. In
these chapters Zhuangzi's followers continue their engagement
with their master's teachings from the ‘Inner chapters’ and
attempt to integrate it with the teachings of the Daode
jing now often attributed in narratives to Lao Dan, the
shadowy fifth-century B.C.E. figure to whom this text began to
be attributed after about 250 B.C.E. Perhaps the most
interesting narrative in this grouping is the one that
constitutes almost the entirety of chapter 23. In it the
character Nanguo Chu goes on a quest for mystical knowledge
and ends up being instructed by Lao Dan in a meditative
practice that blends together ideas from the ‘Inner chapters,’
the Daode jing, and other sources of ‘inner
cultivation’ such as Guanzi's ‘Inward Training’ (Neiye)
text (Roth 1999). This narrative, as well as several others in
this group of chapters from the disciples of Zhuangzi,
indicates that such meditation practices continued to be as
central to the followers of Zhuangzi as they were to their
teacher himself.
Chapters 28-31 of the
received recension of the Zhuangzi were the first to
be perceived as so different from the philosophy of the
renowned ‘Inner Chapters’ that they were thought to be the
work of an entirely different intellectual lineage. Indeed,
these chapters are now seen to be similar in thought to five
essays from the first two chapters of the compendium Lüshi
chunqiu (240 B.C.E.) that consitute the only surviving
works of the long-lost tradition of the philosopher Yang Zhu.
Graham regards these Zhuangzi chapters themselves as
Yangist while Liu Xiaogan links them to the ‘Primitivist’
material. Close examination reveals many common philosophical
themes between these two groups of chapters but also reveals
some key differences as well, as we shall see.
Yang Zhu was a fourth
century B.C.E. contemporary of Mencius who engendered great
antipathy in this Confucian thinker for suggesting that the
basic tendencies of human nature were not what we might call ‘other-regarding.’
Mencius condemned Yang for being so egotistical as to be
unwilling to sacrifice even a single hair in order to benefit
the state (Mencius 7A26; Lau, p. 275). However if we are to
base our understanding of Yang's doctrines on these two
surviving sources, a much more complex and interesting picture
of his philosophy emerges.
Yang Zhu may have been the
first Chinese philosopher to speak of the concept of human
nature (xing), and the parameters for all early
Chinese discussions of this concept seem to have been
established by Yang and Mencius. In brief, human nature is
given to us by Heaven, the power responsible for everything in
life beyond human control. The early Chinese conceived of two
major aspects of our lives that fall into this category:
ming (fate, destiny), the various things that occur as
the result of agencies other than ourselves and xing
(nature), the sum total of our genetic inheritance both as a
species and as unique individual members of it. According to
Graham and Ames, human nature in early China is conceived as
totally dynamic, in contrast to the implicit static basis of
human nature we find in the West (Graham 1967, Ames 1991). The
Chinese concept of human nature can be best understood as
referring to the spontaneous tendencies that an individual has
from birth that govern its development as a particular
individual within a species and which also act as forces in
its daily life. Thus this concept implies both the potential
to develop in a certain way and the spontaneous tendencies for
this development and for certain characteristic types of
activities. We might call the former tendencies ‘genetic’ and
the latter tendencies ‘instinctive.’ Mencius argued that the
essential goodness of human nature rested in the spontaneous
tendencies to act selflessly and respectfully, tendencies that
persist throughout the lifetime of an individual even if left
undeveloped. In other words, it is a basic human instinct to
act selflessly. For him the purpose of self-cultivation was to
nurture these spontaneous instinctive tendencies until they
blossomed into complete ethical virtues. The Yangist challenge
to the social emphasis of the Confucians consisted in the
primacy they placed on the maintenance of the individual life
and the fact that they supported this mode of living with the
theory that to act in this fashion was to nourish the nature
that we receive from Heaven. Since Confucians placed a high
value on the sanctions and approvals of Heaven, it was
incumbent upon them to argue for a different vision of human
nature.
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